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Posts Tagged ‘human rights’

News story from the Archives Watch website detailing the opening of the Human Rights Documentation Center and Archive in South Korea. Link to the News Story – Seoul Opens North Korea Human Rights Documentation Center and Archive.

Full Text:-

Korea establish its first archive of human rights abuses in the North.  The North Korea Human Rights Documentation Center and Archive was designed to mirror West Germany’s Salzgitter Center that was opened in 1961 and recorded cases of human rights abuses in East Germany during the Cold War.  The National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) of Korea in a plenary session passed the motion to establish the archive.  The archive will subsequently be housed in the headquarters of the NHRC.

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ICA Human Rights Working GroupICA Human Rights Working Group

The International Council on Archives Human Rights Working Group has recently published the December 2011 edition of their newsletter on their website.  The December 2011 can be downloaded – [here].

The Human Rights Working Group disseminates information on the importance of archives to defend human rights and the use of archives in protesting the violations of human rights. It issues a monthly newsletter on archives and human rights, it develops projects to increase the cooperation between ICA and archival services and administrations in the field of human rights, and it supports better and wider use of the archives in the defense of human rights.

An archives of newsletters from April 2008 is also available from the website – [here].

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A recent posting on the Archivists Watch blog provides a link to the video of renowned human rights archivist Trudy Huskump Peterson who appeared at the Wilson Center to discuss her last publication entitled Final Acts.

The Archivists Watch posting states :

“The Wilson Center ON DEMAND posted a video of Trudy’s appearance.  In it Trudy filters her expansive experiences in constructing, examining and improving archives all over the world with post-conflict trauma and regime change, largely related to cases in Egypt where destruction of archives has definitely occurred.  Trudy readily admits she is not so optimistic about reconciliation but believes in transformation and institutional reform.  She shares her views on the involvement and sometimes ostensible role of state archives in protecting violations of human rights and humanitarian law.  Trudy also discusses the different bodies of justice and courts which are currently supported by the work of archives worldwide.”

Relevant Links :

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A news article originally published in Al Jazeera describes how Tunisian refugees in Paris discovered a secret archive formally owned by the deposed President Ben Ali’s political party, the Rally for Consititutional Democracy.

Links :

Tunisans discover secret archive in Paris
Yasmine Ryan
Posted 27 June 2011

In their quest to find a refuge from the streets of Paris, a group of Tunisian migrants have unwittingly become the centre of controversy.

They were amongst the thousands of Tunisians who fled economic and political uncertainty in their homeland early in the year, in the heady days after an uprising forced Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, the country’s former president, from power.

There are an estimated 600 Tunisians now living on the streets of the French capital, mostly from southern Tunisia, with little assistance from either the French authorities or their own government.

The French government has taken a hard line against these children of the revolution, with police playing cat-and-mouse, chasing them from camp to camp.

Angry migrants

A 30 year old man from the southern Tunisian town of Zarzis, who preferred to go by the name of Karim, told Al Jazeera how he took a boat to the Italian island of Lampadusa on February 10, then took a train to Paris after five days.

Since then, Karim says, he has not stopped moving from place to place in search of somewhere to spend the night.

“Now we are really in the sh*t,” he said.

Disillusioned, many want to return home, but have no way to buy a ticket back.

“There are many people who want to go back to Tunisia but have no support,” Ali Gargouri, a French-Tunisian activist who has lived in France for many years, told Al Jazeera. “The Tunisian embassy is doing nothing to help them.”

One particular group of recent migrants turned to what they thought would be a legitimate sleeping place. On May 31, around 30 Tunisians took up camp in an abandoned building that had been officially known as the Tunisian Cultural Centre.

They quickly discovered that the site at 36, rue Botzaris, in a northeastern neighbourhood of Paris, had in fact belonged to Ben Ali’s now disbanded political party, the Rally for Constitutional Democracy (RCD).

They had stumbled across thousands of pages of archives from the former ruling party.

The migrants found two rooms filled with photos, correspondence, financial records, lists of RCD members in France, information on Tunisian dissidents, along with files on French political figures and journalists, sources told Al Jazeera.

The documents, activists promise, could contain many explosive scandals, particularly when it comes to French politicians.

Gargouri told Al Jazeera that a committee has been created to decide on what should be done with the documents, which are drawing considerable interest from media. For now, their contents remain a mystery.

A week later, the French police evicted them – at the request of the Tunisian embassy. With nowhere else to go, the group returned to the former “Cultural Centre” a few hours after they had been forcibly removed.

Yet the Tunisian authorities, who had paid little attention to this building until the migrants moved in, persisted in their efforts to assert their ownership of this building, which had been owned privately.The state has effectively taken over RCD properties elsewhere, after a Tunisian court dissolved the former ruling party and liquidated its assets and funds in March.

According to a statement from the Tunisian embassy in Paris on June 9, the decision to expel the migrants was made because of acts of vandalism, violence and complaints from the neighbours.

Then, on June 16, French police officers returned, forcing the Tunisians out definitively.

The statement adds that, with its annexation of the building, it “benefits henceforth from the cover of diplomatic immunity”.

Embassy officials refused to offer further comment to Al Jazeera.

Knowledge could be power

Paul Da Silva, a French activist who lobbies for freedom of information, says that the documents contain explosive revelations about French ties with the former regime’s leading figures.

“That’s why we’re here, to remind everyone that French politicians have been complicit with Ben Ali,” he said.

Much of the RCD’s official records disappeared in the chaos that followed Ben Ali’s fall from power on January 14, with document-burning sprees reported in public buildings across the country.

For lawyers and activists, the document stash in Paris gives them a second chance to comb through the RCD’s activities.

There have been reports in French media that some of the files were sold, and commentators note that some of those aware of the archive have had months to remove sensitive material. Al Jazeera is unable to confirm these reports.

The only major French political party to speak out about the episode is Europe Ecology (EELV), which condemned France’s failure to support the migrants at a time when Tunisia has itself offered refugee to some 500,000 migrants fleeing the conflict in Libya.

“It’s surprising that the French authorities have devoted so many resources to the protection of buildings and archives belong to the old [Tunisian] regime and have showed so little concern about the lack of any humanitarian reception for the Tunisians,” Cécile Duflot, the Ecology party’s national secretary, said.
The discovery of the alleged archives has coincided with the opening of an investigation into Zine El Abidine Ben Ali’s assets in France.

With questions hanging over just how deep Tunisia’s political class is willing to dig into the alleged abuses and corruption that was so rife under the former regime, the documents could be a means for independent lawyers and activists to push for justice, whether in French or Tunisian courtrooms, on their own terms.

Ben Ali and his wife, Leila Trabelsi were found guilty in absentia of theft and of charges relating to the illegal possession of arms and jewelry a week ago. The former president and those close to him will face many more trials over extensive allegations in the weeks and months to come.

Complaints filed

Yet critics of the legal process say it is not going far enough, noting that the court dealt the first conviction during the trial in absentia lasted a mere 24 hours, leaving little opportunity for investigators to lay bare the bones of the regime. Activists argue that corruption extended well beyond the former president, and that knowing the truth is essential if Tunisia is to successfully make the transition to democracy.

“The Tunisian judiciary system is still not independent or unbiased,” Gargouri said. “People are focusing on the Ben Ali trial rather than looking too closely at the government that’s in power now.”

A judicial investigation targeting Ben Ali and the former Egyptian president, Hosni Moubarak, for money laundering allegations was opened in France on June 14.

As early as January 17, three organisations – the Arab Commission for Human Rights, SHERPA and Transparence International France – filed a complaint with the French public prosecutor urging a judicial inquiry into the assets held by the Ben Ali and Trabelsi families in France.

Myriam Svy, head of research at Transparency International France, told Al Jazeera that the French judicial authorities opened the investigation on June 9.

“Our objective is that a deep investigation is carried so that all the properties, all the money, can be returned to the Tunisian people,” Svy said.

The former Tunisian leader has issued a press release claiming he owns no property or bank accounts in France or any other foreign country.

Habib Essid, the Tunisian interior minister, visited Paris on June 15, the evening before the French authorities forcibly evicted the migrants from the former RCD property. No official reason was given for the visit and the Tunisian interior ministry did not respond to Al Jazeera’s queries regarding the reason for trip.

Since the eviction, the building – along with all the remaining documents – is under guard by a private security company 24 hours a day.

The Tunisian embassy chose to legally annex the building at 36, rue Botzaris on June 17 – a decision which throws a cloak of diplomatic immunity over the building, which means any remaining documents are effectively beyond the reach of the French legal system.

Ahead of the eviction, Gargouri and Soumaya Taboubi, French-Tunisian lawyer, transferred one-third of the documents to a “secure place”.

The activists removed well over 1,000 documents, Gargouri said, after some documents began disappearing.

Tip of the iceberg

As for the Tunisian migrants, they have been forced to scatter under continuing police pressure.

After their eviction, the group moved to the Buttes Chaumount Park across the street from the building. There, they faced daily visits from the police.

“The police are coming daily in unmarked cars to try to scare them,” Gargouri said. “It’s a question of intimidating and pressuring migrants.”

One night, it was teargas. Then their camp was destroyed by a squad of 50 police. On Wednesday, 22 Tunisians were arrested, only to be released within 24 hours.

A handful of French activists visited them daily, with some, including Paul Da Silva, spending several nights in the park.

Their case is but one example of how the French government’s approach to the unprecedented influx of migrants has been to turn up the repression, activists say.

According to the EU’s Frontex agency, more than 22,000 people were intercepted crossing into Italy from January to March, a 99 per cent increase on the number taking the same route in the same period last year.

In many ways, groups living on the streets are the lucky ones. Some 1,387 Libyan and Tunisian migrants drowned trying to make the trip to Europe between January and March, UNITED, a European NGO, told Al Jazeera.

Pascale Boistard, associate for integration and foreigners from outside the EU for the Paris city council, told Al Jazeera that France’s national government was neglecting its legal responsibility to assist the migrants.

Boistard argues that the Socialist-controlled city authorities are doing everything they can to help thousands of Tunisian migrants who travelled to France, including providing food and assistance to many of them.

The municipality has provided housing to some 310 of the recent Tunisian migrants, Boistard said, even though this is something the national government should be dealing with.

“It’s the state and the government that is doing nothing,” Boistard, a member of France’s Socialist Party, said.

“On April 22, we wrote to Claude Gueant [France’s interior minister and immigration minister] to alert him of the humanitarian situation. His response was to say that we should arrest the Tunisians.”

Gueant told the Paris municipal authorities that no assistance should be offered to the Tunisians migrants, because, according to him, they were in France illegally – including those who had been issued with temporary residency permits by the Italian authorities.

“We are in a situation where the migrants are constantly being arrested, then released immediately after,” Boistard said.

Boistard added that the government was ignoring an agreement President Nicolas Sarkozy had signed with Ben Ali in 2008, under which France agreed to offer assistance to 9,000 Tunisian migrants a year to help them return home.

Since January, the government has frozen the processing of repatriation requests, a move which is further exacerbating the humanitarian situation, Boistard told Al Jazeera.

In the interest of maintaining the government’s image as being “tough” on immigration, nothing is being done to help the migrants, she argued.

In the case of the Botzaris group, she denied that the municipal authorities had anything to do with the request to evict them. The decision was made either by police, or came via the interior ministry, she said.

“The Tunisians in the building were evicted at the request of the [Tunisian] embassy. We weren’t informed by the police that the eviction was going to take place.”

“I find that France is not living up to its history, and the values that it embodies,” she said.

Neither the immigration ministry or the interior ministry, both run by Gueant, responded to Al Jazeera’s requests for comment. The Paris police department also refused to comment.

Bertrand Delanoë, Paris’ Socialist mayor, has set aside $1.2mn for Tunisian migrants in Paris. Activists working with the Botzaris group, however, say they have yet to see this any of this emergency fund go towards supporting these migrants.

At the time of writing, no solution for accomadation has been found, and few French NGOs working with the homeless had showed up to offer assistance.

“The organistions say there’s still a problem and that the money is not enough,” explained Da Silva.

Politicians in Tunisia, busy preparing for the October election, have largely been silent on the plight of their compatriots.

“These political parties, they’ll be governing the country in a few months. Normally, they should be intervening with the French authorities on behalf of these migrants,” Gargouri said.

The Democratic Forum for Work and Freedoms (Ettakatol-FDTL), a leftwing Tunisian opposition party, questioned this explanation, calling on the Tunisian embassy to publically clarify “the real reasons for its eviction request”.

Mustapha Ben Jaafar, the party’s general-secretary, wrote to Sarkozy, saying that is was hard to understand why the young people, “neither delinquents or terrorists … should be hunted down like criminals and abuses simply because of their nationality, in a friendly country that has also told them that it was the birthplace of the Declaration of Human Rights”.

In contrast to the official indifference, a vibrant social media campaign has emerged in support of the “Botzaris” migrants.

Thanks to a handful of devoted activists, supporters have been able to follow Twitter and a website set up for the group for constant news, photos and video of the group’s difficulties and to respond to calls for solidarity or advice.

The conversation taking place on Twitter, under the hashtag #Botzaris36 was the second highest trending topic in France within days of the group’s eviction.

The nightly police raids have had their effect, however, and most of the group have abandoned their attempts to sleep in the shelter of the Buttes Chaumount Park.

“We’ve suffered many difficulties: with the police, the French state, even with the Tunisian state,” Karim said. “Now we must keeping going until the end, that’s all we can do. What other choice is there?”

Source: Al Jazeera

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A news story detailing how the Commitee to Document the 25th of January revolution, a group of historians, archivists, and university professors) are working with the National Library and Archives of Egypt in order to attempt to document the events surrounding the Arab Spring revolution in Egypt.

This article was originally posted in AHRAMonline before being picked up by The Archival Platform.  The relevant links are as follows:

We will document Egypt’s revolution, not dictate the story: AUC professor

The head of a volunteer team doing the critical job of collecting the revolution’s documents to display to the public via high technology tells Ahram Online of a few of their glitches and ambitions
Posted by Mary Mourad, Saturday 28 May 2011

“This should be the best documented pivotal event in the history of Egypt,” Khaled Fahmy explained as he went on to describe the ambitious project sponsored by the National Library and Archives of Egypt Organisation whose large number of volunteer experts have one aim: documenting Egypt’s January 25 Revolution.

Fahmy, the former professor of history at New York University, current head of the history department at the American University in Cairo authored multiple books on Egypt’s history, including All the Pasha’s Men.

Fahmy explained that he was first called by Mohamed Saber Arab, head of Egypt’s national library and archives, around 20 February, soon after Mubarak stepped down, asking him to start planning to document the revolution.

“Egypt’s history is very poorly documented. As historians we struggle to find primary resources to guide us on some of the blank spots of history and eventually have to rely on secondary resources and memory,” Fahmy continued, “We want it to be different this time. This revolution is a turning point in Egypt’s history. We’re not changing a ruler; we’re changing the game itself, refusing to allow for a political leader that has no connection to the people on the ground and no longer accepting injustice and tyranny. “

The work began by forming a steering committee of historians, political scientists, anthropologists and IT experts. Out of this committee, eleven other smaller committees were formed to gather documents according to source of information: media, newspapers, NGOs, human rights organisations, political leaders, online material etc.

“We do not want to tell the story of the revolution,” Fahmy insisted and repeated many times, “We want to gather material that historians and scholars and simple people can then use to tell their versions of the story. The July [1952] revolution documentation failed for this reason: assigning one committee the task of writing what happened can only distort many parts of the picture. Until today, we cannot really tell what happened because all details – other than the official story – were lost. If we tried to prove or refute any of Hassanein Heikal’s statements, we would never be able to. We’re now trying to avoid all this by collecting everything we know, including oral testimonies, blogs, newspaper clippings, even Facebook status messages and tweets in order to make this a wide library resource for anyone studying the events.”

Fahmy explained that this is not an “authentication” project: “We have standard quality control over the materials: there’s a specific date, name (resource or person) and location attached to anything we share. But we do not conduct any investigations to prove it right or wrong. Does is sound horrendous? Well, newspapers themselves have been telling lies for years! It’s all part of the documentation and we have to accept it. Any scholar using the material will have to write clearly the resource and possibly try to follow it up.”

“We’re not the only people doing this effort,” Fahmy explained, referring to efforts by Bibliotheca Alexandrina, American University in Cairo and other independent bodies that are undertaking similar tasks, “But there are two major aspects that differentiate us: first, a focus on quality, and, second, a focus on the end-user. We’re not only concerned with collecting material, but also about storage, retrievability and accessibility in the future when technologies are upgraded. This concern is leading us to think a lot about what we are going to do with the material we gather. Our thoughts about how to divide, categorise, tag and link material are making up a lot of the effort.”

The final output is a website: no security clearance required and with open public access. “We need to make it accessible and attractive,” Fahmy explained, highlighting that the material will include many photos and videos in addition to the newspaper articles, reports, blogs etc.; all to be text-searchable.

Concerning the timeline of the project, Fahmy shared their latest conclusions: “We are considering starting with when Ben Ali [Tunisia’s president] stepped down until Mubarak’s trial for the period of documentation. But this may change! We’re in the middle of a very lively revolution and we have to stay flexible as we observe it develop.”

According to Fahmy, the value of the project is in that: “History belongs to people. Egyptians need to realise that it’s not the ruler who makes history, but their own every day actions do; by digging the dam, building the pyramids and by tilling their own soil. The revolution belongs to the people – not to the state. In addition, we hope that this project will reinstate Egyptians’ rights: their state is answerable to them! They have the right to know, and information should be made available and accessible – not become a sacred right for the [sole] use of the state. We hope this project will help encourage further disclosure and return the archives to their true owners: the citizens.”

Ahmed Gharbeya leads the information technology effort behind this project: “We’re trying to get more creative this time. The old archiving systems used by the national library and archives is quite outdated and not particularly user-friendly. We’re looking into new, web-based systems that enable easy access and are not necessarily more expensive.”

According to Gharbeya, and echoing Khaled Fahmy’s concern, the real challenge lies in categorising and enabling easy and logical retrieval of the information, which is not only an effort in technology, but also in the thinking behind the project. “We tried to learn from the similar projects such as AUC’s, to avoid mistakes and try to link with others. But we have other problems.”

Money and time are the two major challenges. “We do not have a dedicated fund for the project; we’re all volunteers and we buy things with our own money as we need them,” Gharbeya explained, referring to recording and photography tools just purchased. “Little money is being donated for the website developers and to purchase the needed software or pay experts.”

“But I’m not too afraid,” Fahmy insisted, “I receive calls every day from people who are eager to volunteer and happy to offer some money, as well, to support the project.”

Yet, as time passes – already four months since the Ben Ali stepped down, which is the date the committee is gathering materials from – critical knowledge (memories) may be fading. “There are still many unknowns,” Hanya Sholkamy, professor of anthropology, explained during the volunteer training held on 26 May on the national library and archives premises: “We have to start and then solve problems as they come. The real challenge for this project is a logistical one.”

The ambitious project has, indeed, many obstacles along the way, not particularly different from the overall difficulties facing the country on the political, social and economic fronts: time, money and management. The hope lies in continuation of the efforts and a focus on the light at the end of the tunnel.”

 

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Informative posting on the Archivists Watch blog which details the project being undertaken by the International Coalition of Sites of Conscience and the Institute for the Study of Human Rights at Columbia University in regard to the Guantanamo Public Memory Project.  The project aims to preserve a public memory of the Guantanamo Bay site and to date, the peocject has:

mapped over 1,000 resources on the history of Guantánamo – from books to video footage to art to oral histories – and the archives, organizations and individuals around the world who own them.

Full details can be found as follows:

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A recent article from the The Daily Telegraph on the 14 September, 2011, which describes how the UK Border Agency may be unable to track down around 100,000 asylum seekers out of the 450,000 forgotten asylum cases, a backlog of asylum cases originally discovered five year ago. This articles deceibes how `98,000 [cases] have now been placed in a ‘controlled archive’ which means there is little chance of them being traced.”

Almost 100,000 lost asylum seekers may never be traced

Officials have been unable to trace one in five of the 450,000 forgotten asylum cases meaning they could remain in the UK forever.

The so-called legacy backlog of cases that were never completed was first discovered five years ago, with some dating back to the 1990s.

The Home Office promised to go through every file by the end of this summer.

That target was met but only because officials have concluded they cannot find 98,000 of them.

Full Article on The Telegraph website – http://tgr.ph/n9k7NE

 

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A recent news story from the Human Rights Watch organisation, based in New York, details how recently discovered documents discovered in the Libyan capital of Tripoli, have been used to she dlight on possible human rights issues apparently concerning the level of cooperation between Western governments and the Libyan intelligence agencies in regard to the possible transfer of terrorism suspects.

The full news story (and link) is entitled:

Full text can be found here :

(New York) – Documents recently discovered by Human Rights Watch in Tripoli reveal new details of the high level of cooperation among United States, United Kingdom, and Libyan intelligence agencies in the transfer of terrorism suspects, Human Rights Watch said today. The documents underscore the need for the US and UK to account for past abuses, Human Rights Watch said.

The documents, discovered on September 3, 2011, describe US offers to transfer, or render, at least four detainees from US to Libyan custody, one with the active participation of the UK; US requests for detention and interrogation of other suspects; UK requests for information about terrorism suspects; and the sharing of information about Libyans living in the UK. This cooperation took place despite Libya’s extensive and widely known record of torture and other ill-treatment of detainees.

“The Tripoli documents show that the US sought promises of humane treatment from a government well known to practice torture,” said Peter Bouckaert, Emergencies director at Human Rights Watch. “Given Muammar Gaddafi’s record of torture and abuse, it would have been absurd for the US intelligence agencies to believe any assurances from his regime.”

The US rendition documents, drafted during the administration of President George W. Bush, show that the US sought so-called “diplomatic assurances” that detainees would be “treated humanely” following their transfer to Libya. The UK documents, drafted under the previous Labour government, show that the UK government took credit for involvement in one rendition, sent information about Libyans in the UK, and requested information from Libyan intelligence.

Research by Human Rights Watch, as well as the US State Department’s own documentation at the time, demonstrated a clear record of torture and other ill-treatment by Libyan detention authorities. Nevertheless, the UK entered into a memorandum of understanding (MOU) with Libya in October 2005, with Tripoli promising not to torture terrorism suspects sent from the UK. British courts in 2007 blocked returns of people to Libya under the MOU on the grounds that the suspects were at real risk of being tortured if they were sent back to Libya.

US, UK Policy and Practice
The Bush administration transferred more than 100 detainees to various countries from 2004 to 2006, including at least seven to Libya, for interrogation and subsequent detention. The US government was responsible for these people being held incommunicado and did not provide information on their fate or whereabouts, in violation of the international legal prohibition against enforced disappearances. The US is not known to have sent any detainees to Libya since 2007, and the administration of President Barack Obama has not reported any renditions to any country since taking office.

The Obama administration, however, has not precluded rendering detainees to countries where there is a substantial danger of torture. In such cases, the administration has said it would continue to take into account a country’s assurances that it will treat a detainee humanely after rendition by the US or transfer to a home country or third country upon release from US detention.

In the UK, despite adverse court rulings in the European Court of Human Rights and some British courts, the current coalition government has continued the use of diplomatic assurances, referred to as “deportation with assurances.”

“The US and UK need to renounce sending people to governments that practice torture,” Bouckaert said. “The experience of Libya ought to teach the US and UK what common sense should have told them from the start – that whatever cynical promises you may get, if you deliver prisoners to torturers, they will be tortured, and eventually the world will know it.”

Obligations and Accountability
Under the Convention against Torture and other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (the “Convention against Torture”), which the US ratified in 1994 and the UK in 1988, no one is to be sent to a country where there are substantial grounds for believing that they might be tortured or mistreated. This obligation has been interpreted to require governments to provide a mechanism for people to challenge decisions to transfer them to another country.

The Convention against Torture also obligates countries to investigate credible allegations of torture and other ill-treatment, including complicity. However, despite overwhelming evidence of US government involvement at senior levels in the use of torture, and of US and UK complicity in torture in third countries, neither government has conducted sufficient investigations into the alleged conduct.
In the US, Attorney General Eric Holder appointed Assistant US Attorney John Durham to investigate detainee abuse but limited the investigation to “unauthorized” acts by US interrogators. Ultimately the Durham inquiry recommended that the Obama administration should pursue further criminal investigations in the abuse of only two detainees who died in US custody. The administration has ignored calls for investigations into the alleged torture and mistreatment of hundreds of other detainees while in US custody or rendered to third countries for abuse.

In the UK, the coalition government agreed in June 2010, given the evidence that had emerged of UK complicity in torture in Pakistan and elsewhere, to establish the “Detainee Inquiry” to examine UK involvement in rendition and complicity in overseas torture. The decision followed extensive advocacy efforts by Human Rights Watch and other organizations. The inquiry will begin after the completion of two related police investigations into alleged criminal conduct by British officials overseas. But the government forced the inquiry, in July 2011, to accept rules on disclosure and witness participation that deprive it of transparency. As a result, Human Rights Watch, along with other organizations and lawyers acting on behalf of detainees, withdrew their cooperation.

Prime Minister David Cameron told Parliament on September 5 that the Detainee Inquiry will also look at the fresh revelations about possible UK involvement in renditions to Libya and Gaddafi-era abuses. While an examination of the Libya allegations is crucial, the Detainee Inquiry’s defects make an effective investigation highly unlikely, unless the government changes the Inquiry’s protocol. An effective inquiry would require openness, with the final decision on publishing evidence made by an independent judge, and not the government itself.

“If the British government is serious about getting to the bottom of UK involvement in abuses against terrorism suspects, it needs to fix the Detainee Inquiry as a matter of urgency,” Bouckaert said.

Document Details
The documents discovered by Human Rights Watch in Tripoli include communications between the former Libyan intelligence chief, Musa Kusa, and the US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), the UK’s Secret Intelligence Service (commonly known as MI6), and German and other government intelligence agencies. Human Rights Watch discovered the documents while examining the Libyan government’s external security building in Tripoli, which had been abandoned by Gaddafi forces. The files in the archives contain, among other things, evidence of crimes committed during Gaddafi’s 42 years in power. Human Rights Watch only viewed several hundred of what appeared to be tens of thousands of documents in the building, photographing approximately 300 and leaving the originals in place.

Some of the documents contain information about CIA renditions of members of the Libyan Islamic Fighting Group, which had sought since the 1990s to overthrow the Gaddafi government and played a key role in the current revolt in Libya.

One of the group’s members was Abdul Hakim Belhaj, now the rebel military commander in Tripoli. The documents, which refer to Belhaj by his pseudonym Abu Abdullah al-Sadiq, detail an offer by the CIA on March 6, 2004, to “rend[er]” Belhaj from Malaysia, where he had been detained, to Libya. In the memo, the CIA asked the Libyan government to ensure that Belhaj would be “treated humanely” and that the CIA would have access to him for questioning once he was in Libyan custody. The CIA transferred Belhaj to Libya around March 9, 2004.

Another document is a letter from a senior MI6 official to Musa Kusa congratulating him on the “safe arrival of Abu ‘Abd Allah Sadiq” and taking credit for Britain’s role in the rendition, which “was the least we could do for you and Libya.”

During a research mission to Libya in April 2009, Human Rights Watch interviewed Belhaj, who had been imprisoned by Libyan authorities in the notorious Abu Salim prison where 1,200 prisoners were massacred in 1996. He told Human Rights Watch that CIA agents had apprehended him and his wife, who he said was then six months pregnant, in Malaysia around March 3, 2004, and transferred him to Libya. Belhaj alleged that while he was detained by the CIA, agents questioned him about his alleged ties to al Qaeda – which he denied – and, among other things, stripped him naked, beat him, and hung him against a wall by one arm and then by one leg.

The public record makes clear that the US and UK governments were aware of the pervasive use of torture by Libyan authorities at the time they rendered detainees to the country. The US State Department’s 2004 Human Rights Country Report on Libya stated that:

Security personnel reportedly routinely tortured prisoners during interrogations or as punishment. Government agents reportedly detained and tortured foreign workers, particularly those from sub-Saharan Africa. Reports of torture were difficult to corroborate because many prisoners were held incommunicado.

Some of the reported methods of torture, according to the report, included: chaining prisoners to a wall for hours; clubbing; applying electric shock; applying corkscrews to the back; pouring lemon juice in open wounds; breaking fingers and allowing the joints to heal without medical care; suffocating with plastic bags; deprivation of food and water; hanging by the wrists; suspension from a pole inserted between the knees and elbows; cigarette burns; threats of being attacked by dogs; and beating on the soles of the feet.

The Tripoli documents also contain information about CIA renditions and cooperation with the Libyan government in detention in at least five other cases, with specific information including flight schedules and detailed questions that the CIA wanted the Libyans to ask the detainees. They also confirm that the CIA sent agents to interrogate some suspects in Libya after the US had transferred them to Libya.

One letter from the CIA states: “We are also eager to work with you in the questioning of the terrorist we recently rendered to your country.… I would like to send to Libya an additional two officers, and I would appreciate if they could have direct access to question this individual.”

Many of the documents Human Rights Watch examined were drafted during a period of political rapprochement between the US and UK and Libya, after Libya had agreed to end its nuclear weapons program and cooperate on intelligence matters.

Human Rights Watch could not confirm the authenticity of the documents, but they appear to corroborate previously known information about the CIA rendition program.

The CIA secret detention program was authorized under a classified September 17, 2001 presidential directive and remained in place until it was terminated by the Obama administration. Although it is not known exactly how many people the US transferred to other countries as part of its rendition program, investigations by the media and human rights groups and the declassification of certain documents have uncovered more than 100 cases.

Copyright : Human Rights Watch.

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A new report has recently been published by the Witness advocacy group based in Brooklyn, New York, which is entitled, “Cameras Everywhere: Current Challenges and Opportunities at the Intersection of Human Rights, Video and Technology.”  This report aims to consider the growing importance of video in the contemporary human rights activism.

Cameras Everywhere

Cameras Everywhere

I originally found the link to this work in The Documentalist, a human rights blog managed by the Center for Research Libraries-Global Resources Network.  The Center for Research Libraries is engaged in an 18 month “Human Rights Electronic Evidence Study” and the purpose of the project:

to survey the practices and technologies used by human rights groups, activists, and other organizations to create and collect electronic documentation of human rights abuses and violations, and describe how that documentation  supports advocacy, investigations, reporting, and legal proceedings on a local and international basis. The project will identify practices and create tools that can local and regional activities more effective.

“Cameras Everywhere”  was launched by WITNESS on September 6, 2011, with the key recommendations of the report being: “Long-term and sustainable change for the effective use of video for human rights requires genuine engagement between civil society, business and government to be impactful. We outline several key steps for technology companies and developers, investors, human rights organizations, funders and policy makers.”

WitnessPeter Gabriel, the musician and co-founder of WITNESS, stated that:

“This report asks the hard questions about how to protect and empower those who attempt to expose injustices through video. It provides specific recommendations for immediate and future actions that can reduce danger for those risking their lives. This report is an important step to understanding how we can harness the power of video and technology to empower activists to protect and defend human rights. This is the age of transformative technology.”

Relevant Links are as follows:

The Documentalist: http://crlgrn.wordpress.com/2011/09/16/cameras-everywhere-a-report-by-witness/

Witness : http://www.witness.org/cameras-everywhere/report-2011

 

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The Archivists Watch blog has recently published an interesting posting detailing a project currently being undertaken by the Oxford Research Group to help promote good practice in casualty reporting organisations.  Further details can be found as follows:

Documenting Existing Casualty Recording Practice Worldwide
Archivists Watch Link – [here]

Oxford Research Group website - remains of the dead, Tuzla morgue

There are numerous casualty recording initiatives around the world, some operating in the midst of ongoing conflicts, and others in a post-conflict environment. Each initiative has amassed some level of experience and relevant expertise in dealing with the problems and obstacles that this type of work, and its practitioners, face. UK think tank, the Oxford Research Group has a research project which draws on the experience of casualty recording organisations around the world to identify and promote good practice, and analyse key issues for practitioners and policymakers wishing to support this work.

Lacking in this field are any agreed-upon good practices or standards by which different projects, methods and outputs may be compared and evaluated. This project is intended to address these issues by publishing a series of papers analysing key issues in casualty recording, and identifying good practice.

The Oxford Research Group is also involved in another project that aims to standardize casualty recording and make it a legal requirement.

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